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By Nechaev A. A.

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This seems self-evident when we consider the ways in which European travelers described and tallied the nonEuropean world and produced vast amounts of ethnological, physiognomic, cartographic, and visual data. 77 Domestic and intra-Continental forms of travel were obviously much more widespread than exploratory travel and, directly and indirectly, involved large numbers of ordinary people. Thus, it was not only the non-European world that was tabularized; European nations, too, were constructed in the eyes of their neighbors by the judgments and opinions expressed in travel accounts.

Many travel writers were conscious of this special status. ’’74 Other travelers were more mindful of the burdens of comparison. In the account of her journey through Europe to Constantinople, Mary Wortley Montagu (1689–1762), for example, included among the traveler’s ‘‘privileges’’ the liberty to fabricate, corroborate, witness, and, above all, compare cultures and interpret foreign customs. The English squire who never went farther than the farm gate could, Montagu thought, rest easy in the belief that local beer, golden pippins, and a rump of beef were the most delectable foods in the world.

However, Germans, and indeed all Europeans, branded themselves as travelers not only because of travel’s material associations. As I have already suggested, travel prestige was not confined to the internal boundaries of the nation-state (or, in the case of Germany, to a collection of states). By extending a Bourdieusian understanding of symbolic capital to the transnational context, we gain insights into how travel functioned across state borders. There were no obvious economic incentives underlying this transnational competition for status.

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